According to 1996 statistics, abuse was 20% more likely to occur toward women within the age bracket of 36-50 years old, possibly indicating the psychological effect of violence witnessed and/or participated in by that generation during the Khmer Rouge period of Cambodian history (Nelson & Zimmerman 1996: 39). It was also found that households in which the man was financially dependent upon the woman for at least part of the income were more likely to experience abuse (42). (n1) Women who were verbally abused by their husbands were almost four times more likely to be victims of physical domestic violence (Nelson & Zimmerman 1996: 31). Educational level for the woman was correlated to the experience of violence; most significantly, her risk of ever having been abused decreased as she completed levels of secondary education. This was also true for men: men with no education were twice as likely to abuse their wives as men who had any level of education (36). (n2)
Consumption of alcohol was also associated with increased violence in the home, both in males (34) and females (Fordham 2005). (n3) Other factors associated with domestic violence in Cambodia included: husbands taking a “second wife” or mistress, (n4) arguments over the husband’s visits to prostitutes, and gambling/indebtedness (43). (n5) Conversely, if a woman lived near her parents, either in the same home or the same village, she was less likely to be abused (29). However, living with parents was not always a guarantee of protection:
“Traditionally, upon being married, men move into their wives' family homes and live with her parents and relatives. Whilst in some cases this would offer some measure of protection for women from violence, often her family members are the ones encouraging her to stay silent about her abuse and to try and make her marriage work – no matter the cost” (CAMBOW 2007: 14).Sexual mores were also factors. For example, a wife’s request that her husband use a condom during intercourse has provoked violence (Duvvury & Knoess 2005: 14) (n6), and it has been noted that violence often escalated during pregnancy and post-natal periods, possibly because “the husband’s lack of access to his wife’s undivided attention and services, combined with the stress of a new child, cause the aggressions to escalate” (Walsh 2007: 29).
***Notes1) Walsh (2007) hypothesized that when the man’s income fell short and the woman had to compensate for the man’s inadequate earnings, it became a source of stress and conflict that provoked violence (5).2) Walsh noted that not all studies equate increased education as a casual factor for decreased violence. (Walsh 2007: 29)3) In the report of the study in Kandal Stung district, MoWA volunteers indicated that women consuming alcohol was also a problem as “their sharp voices and tempers also provoke disharmony and violence” (Fordham 2005: 67).4) The status of Khmer women changed after the war years because there was “a surplus of ‘women of marriageable age’ during the 1980s and early 1990s,” thus leaving Khmer men “in a better bargaining position.” This idea was supported by lower bride prices, abandonment of married women, and polygamy. Walsh stated that “Many women, especially those of the war generation, are concerned about their social status and how it has changed,” and cited the high rate of domestic violence as consistent with this change (Walsh 2007: 11).5) Both alcohol and gambling were frequently associated with violence in the home (Walsh 2007: 28).6) According to one report, sex within the marriage relationship is typically thought of as only serving the purpose of reproduction. Further, to suggest using a condom can be considered an accusation or suspicion of infidelity, thus likely to anger the husband (this is especially significant as male infidelity is a common cultural occurrence). This cultural taboo may greatly increase risk for transmission of HIV/AIDS, as a 2005 report suggested that nearly half of new AIDS cases in Cambodia were the result of husband to wife transmissions (Duvvury & Knoess 2005: 10).